We have already witnessed the first war on the European continent in the 21st century. It was an act of aggression committed by a big “cold war” player against a small democratic and growing economy attractive to many European investors. It was an attack on a nation of only four-million people launched when Europe was on holidays or watching the Olympics. And by Kremlin knew that. They knew that the new democratically formed European society in their immediate neighborhood would be celebrating Ferragosto and that it would be difficult to switch the European attention from the beautiful summertime seashore to the TV screen.
We woke up only when heavy military machines and tanks smashed the roads, bridges and houses, when THEY looted the civilian population in Gori and when they bombed the peaceful villages in the whole territory of Georgia. Villages inhabited by the same people like in Catalonia, Qashqai, Burgundy, or Crete.
We were forced to wake up when our European fellow citizens – not political leaders – were overwhelmed by the reports of atrocities shown by CNN and BBC and when the security of the oil pipeline running from Azerbaijan through Georgia to Turkey was challenged by Russian bombings. How slow, if not indifferent, we were! We Europeans pronounced the word of freedom and democracy only when Russian tanks were of just 30 kilometers away from the capital of an independent country where the people already were hiding in the underground shelters for fear of being killed by Russian soldiers. Is this customary in the European neighborhood? Can we – Europeans living in the cradle of freedom and democracy, in the very hub of dialogue and peaceful compromise – allow this to happen in 21st century?
We praised the Sarkozy-Medvedev plan and the agreement reached. It was a brave, immediate and the right move towards peace and towards saving a small and independent country. That is what European values and diplomacy is all about: freedom, tolerance, multiculturalism, and peace. Our words were strong and principled: the principles of international law and peace must prevail and armies must go home! President Sarkozy sent a strong and clear message: There should be no occupations, there should be no killings. We struck a deal. Europe made a commitment. And we stopped the devastating bombings and killings.
It was the first step, after which we made the second one: we committed to rebuild a young democracy. It was a lesson for us – not to allow the aggressor to benefit because later all of us Europeans will pay the price. That’s what happened half century ago with Stalin and Hitler and that’s what is happening now (regrettably).
We, the leaders of Europe, ask for support and for tax-payers’ money to rebuild Georgia. And we are right in doing so. It is very European to rebuild, save lives and look into the future. But is the future bright and cloudless? I do not think so.
We made a peace deal with the Kremlin, we stopped their tanks, but we have not as yet freed up a small country. We did not manage to force the occupation troops to leave Georgia. And we are on a fast track to legitimize the occupation of a sovereign European country in modern history!
The Kremlin has promised to the rotating European Union President, Nicolas Sarkozy, to withdraw troops. But it did not live up to its commitments. Worse, it recognized South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent countries and increased the number of military troops in those internationally recognized territories of Georgia! The Kremlin made large strides deep into Georgia and only small steps back, presenting this move to the international community as an enormous sacrifice for the stability of Georgia. But they are not telling the truth: Russian troops are still in Georgia in excessive numbers and nobody dares to even ask them to pull out.
We have allowed the Kremlin not to follow the Sarkozy-Medvedev agreements of August 12 and September 8.
We stopped the tanks, but unfortunately we did not stop the country’s occupation and its division. Just like it happened in 1940 in the Baltics.
It is more than obvious that the political and military Russian elite have occupied Georgia, they have brought in more tanks, failed to keep their word to President Sarkozy, renegaded on the European-brokered agreements, and started to emerge from the shadows as open aggressors. Will we allow them to destroy our European values and break the European power of negotiation?
We have not achieved the ultimate goal of discouraging the aggressor from once again repeating an act of military aggression against a member state of the United Nations, a close ally of the EU and NATO, against a country where the European businesses and the global energy community have a huge interest.
It appears strange to me not to keep the word given and not to fight for the promises made. What is even more worrisome is that the Kremlin sees it not as a window for dialogue, but as an opportunity to tell their society that the Europeans are retreating from their own-designed agreements: The Europeans do not insist that we act according to the rules. The Europeans are wrong and we are right.
The dialogue has failed, but will we allow the Kremlin to mock at us and say: Let’s continue business as usual! Let’s start negotiations on a new post-PCA! I do not see any proper grounds for this (unfortunately).
It is much too early to resume talks on a new EU-Russia Partnership Agreement. The European Council put it clearly on September 1: “Until troops have withdrawn to the positions held prior to 7 August, meetings on the negotiation of the Partnership Agreement will be postponed.” The withdrawal has not yet taken place despite two agreements (12 August and 8 September) committing Russia to do so. On the contrary, reports speak of Russia deploying more troops deep in the proxy territories. The EU should continue demanding that Russia comply with its obligations.
Pursuing strong and mutually beneficial relations with Russia is a worthy goal for the EU. These two mighty powers need each other. But resuming the PCA talks now, without a satisfactory resolution of the Georgia crisis, would expose the EU’s weaknesses for all to see. This would be a disaster. Today’s troubled world needs a strong EU, ready to provide guidance, hope and inspiration in the face of rising global challenges – not a collection of member states united only by their agreement to disagree.
